STATEMENT ON THE POSTER ATTACKS AGAINST CPA EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
16
October 2012, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy
Alternatives (CPA) views with very serious concern the appearance of posters in
Sinhala on Monday, 15th October 2012 in the environs of Colombo, the English
translation of the text of which states: “Let us save the pro-people Divineguma
Act that builds the lives of fifteen lakhs of low income families from the
Paikiasothy gang that aids and abets the separation of the country.” Photographs
of the poster are attached. The chilling import of the reference to CPA
Executive Director, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, requires no emphasis in the
current political climate of violence against critics of the government and the
culture of impunity for perpetrators. This is the most recent attack against CPA
and its Executive Director. It must be unreservedly condemned.
The
context of the reference in the poster to the Divineguma Bill, which is
currently in the enactment process, and CPA’s legal challenge to its
constitutionality, is as follows. When the Bill was placed on the Order Paper of
Parliament on 10 August 2012, both CPA and Dr. Saravanamuttu in his capacity as
Executive Director, filed petitions challenging the Bill in the Supreme Court,
bringing to the Court’s attention a number of substantive and procedural grounds
on which the Bill was potentially inconsistent with the Constitution. There are
several substantive areas of constitutional concern in what is envisaged in the
Bill, including the doctrine of the separation of powers, the possible reversal
of certain subjects devolved to Provincial Councils, Parliament’s control over
public finance and its general oversight over the executive, and public access
to information held by government. We will make no further comment at this stage
on these issues as the matter is pending before the Supreme Court.
On
the procedural issues, however, the Supreme Court agreed with the averment in
our initial petitions that the substance of the Bill impacts on a number of
devolved subjects in such a way as to require it to be passed in terms of the
special procedure laid down in the Constitution, which involves the consent of
the Provincial Councils. Pursuant to this determination by the Supreme Court,
the government sent the Bill to the Provincial Councils where consent has been
forthcoming, except in the case of the Northern Province, where there is no
elected Provincial Council. There is currently a legal challenge by a Member of
Parliament for the Jaffna District to the consent provided on behalf of that
Province by the Governor. Regardless of the matter being referred to the Supreme
Court on the question of the role of the Governor, the Bill was tabled for the
second time in Parliament on 9 September 2012. CPA and Dr. Saravanamuttu have
challenged the Bill yet again, with the matter to be taken up in the Supreme
Court this week.
Aside
from these attacks, CPA also wishes to disclose that the military visited CPA
on the morning of Monday 15th October, the same day the posters appeared. The
military personnel informed CPA security that they in turn had been told by the
Postal Department that the CPA address was one that had a connection to the
Elections Department, which they were checking. Whether there is some causality
between the appearance of the poster and the visit by the military, or whether
it is mere coincidence, we are at a loss to understand how the military has a
role in the conduct of such inquiries in terms of the law of the land.
Beyond
the vilification and incitement of public hatred against an individual, we are
concerned that these developments signify deeper changes that seem to be
occurring in our post-war political culture. The government seems increasingly
to regard not only critique and dissent from civil society, but also any
constitutional restraints on its power as unacceptable to its agenda, and its
stock response to any form of democratic dissent is to accuse opponents of a
lack of patriotism. It seems to regard populism and majoritarianism as the only
legitimate elements and forms of democracy, and needless to reiterate, CPA is
founded on a set of beliefs, which are directly contrary to such perspectives on
democracy.
We
believe that forms of electoral democracy that are unrestrained by
constitutional controls, checks and balances, the rule of law and the
independence of the judiciary, fundamental rights and minority protections,
devolution, and a vibrant and sceptical electorate, media and civil society,
constitute no democracy at all. The emasculation of these fundamental principles
in the purported interests of economic development is not only a false
dichotomy, but also serves to corrode the traditions of choice and change we
have enjoyed as part of the democratic way of life since 1931.
As
the history of many countries which have had the unfortunate experience of
populist authoritarianism has shown, the attenuation of legal and political
restraints on political power that is exercised, at first instance, in the form
of purportedly ‘pro-people’ policies have an alarming tendency to turn
anti-people before long, when governments get used to centralisation and an
absence of controls. In the light of recent manipulations of the Constitution,
the strengthening of the executive at the expense of both Parliament and
democracy, the undermining of established arrangements for ensuring good
governance, the treatment of political opponents, violence against protestors,
activists and journalists, enforced disappearances, attacks on the independence
of the judiciary, the militarisation of civic life, and the pervasive culture of
impunity, we wish to state categorically that we see a process taking place in
Sri Lanka today which is aimed at dismantling surviving liberal democratic
institutions and norms, including through the demonisation of critical
voices.
These developments are taken lightly at the peril of our democratic future.
These developments are taken lightly at the peril of our democratic future.
