Jaffna: Tamils coming out form a Hindu Kovil ( Photo IB Times) |
Ruki Fernando
It is now 4 years after the end of the war. The way we Sri Lankans will remember the end of the war is likely to demonstrate once again how divided we are, as North and South, as Sinhalese and Tamils.Some Tamil friends in the North told me that they will try to have some events to remember the large numbers who were killed and disappeared, despite the past threats and intimidations.
“We will try to have it quietly and low profile way” was what one friend told me. It is unlikely that families of those killed, disappeared, injured, those whose land has been occupied by the military after the war, will be in the mood to celebrate. This of course should not be confused with the fact that they are indeed relieved the war is over – that they don’t need to be in bunkers, duck shells, bombs and shooting, run over dead bodies to save their own lives, try to hide from forced recruitments etc.
On the other hand, the government has announced grand celebrations in Colombo, with the annual “Victory Day Parade”. Based on last three years experiences, there is unlike to be any mourning, grieving or even remembering of Tamil civilians killed, injured through government action – although it’s possible that those killed and who suffered at the hands of the LTTE may be remembered. .
It is also now one and half years after the Presidential Commission on reconciliation (Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission – LLRC) finalized its report and handed it over to the President. In March 2012 and 2013, the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva passed resolutions on Sri Lanka, which the Sri Lankan government bitterly opposed, branding supporters as traitors. The resolutions called on the government to implement LLRC recommendations, address accountability issues and noted the ongoing human rights violations. To me, these are two of the most significant developments after the war and the both Geneva resolutions were linked to the LLRC.
Who went to LLRC and Geneva and why?
I read the LLRC report a couple of times and in 2012, I travelled across the country giving talks in towns and cities to Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims. And I had chance to listen to and dialogue with diverse and even opposing responses – supporters and skeptics of the LLRC.
But my strongest impression of the LLRC is of the hundreds of people – mostly women – from the North and East who braved threats and intimidations and spent their meager earnings to travel a long way to tell their story to the LLRC. They were mostly mothers and wives of persons who had either disappeared or been detained. Many came clutching photos of their loved ones the came to give testimony about. There were also those who had survived the last phase of the bloody war in bunkers and running over dead bodies, had seen their family members and neighbors killed, children recruited and houses reduced to rubble. There were also those who told stories of not being able to go home as their houses and lands were occupied by the military. Many of them cried – while giving their testimony, while listening to others, when they were denied the chance to give their own testimony or were stopped abruptly by Commissioners.
Likewise, my strongest impressions from UN Human Rights Council sessions in Geneva last March are of a group of Sri Lankans who went there separately. One was a Tamil doctor, Dr. Manoharan from Trincomalee, whose son was murdered on the beach in January 2006. Another was Mrs. Sandya Ekneligoda, a mother of two teenaged boys and husband of journalist and cartoonist Prageeth Ekneligoda, who disappeared in January 2010. With her was Sithi, the mother of a Muslim boy who disappeared in Colombo. Sisters and brother of murdered government MP and politician Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra were also in Geneva telling their story.
What made them all go to the LLRC and to Geneva? To discredit the government? Earn dollars? Unlikely, as they all had bigger problems – very serious ones – about their beloved family members who had been killed or disappeared. For how many of us will discrediting the government and earning dollars be the priority if our own husbands, sons, brothers and sisters have been killed or disappeared?
I suspect they went to Geneva because despite all their efforts for many years, they had not been able to find answers and justice in Sri Lanka. Through Courts and institutions such as Police, Human Rights Commission and various Presidential Commissions of Inquiries. And they are amongst the thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, of Sri Lankan families who seek acknowledgment, truth and justice.
It may also be pertinent to note that in May 2009, a resolution was passed at the UN Human Rights Council that was essentially drafted by the government of Sri Lanka or those supporting it, and in favor of the government. However, since then, countries such as India, Korea, Africa and most in Latin America, have voted against the government of Sri Lanka in the subsequent resolutions in 2012 and 2013. While the language of 2012 and 2013 resolutions are very mild in relation to the ground situation, the language has become slightly stronger and critical from 2009 to 2012 and 2013. The number of countries voting against the government of Sri Lanka doubled from 2009 to 2012 and further increased in 2013.
Ground situation after war – amidst the LLRC and Geneva resolutions
Even as the UN Human Rights Council sessions in Geneva were going in March 2013 and the resolution was being negotiated, in Vavunia, in Northern Sri Lanka, the government stopped hundreds of families of disappeared persons from going to Colombo for a peaceful protest. In Colombo, a human rights lawyer was threatened.
In the two months since the Geneva resolution of 2013, a meeting of the opposition Tamil National Alliance was attacked in Killinochi and the popular northern Tamil daily newspaper, Uthayan was attacked twice in April. Businesses of Muslims were attacked. A peaceful vigil I attended in Colombo was dispersed by Police who had also threatened and arrested some of the participants.
What has been happening in the last four years after the war finished?
Positively, I remember few political prisoners being released, some people displaced people were able to go back to their own villages, fisherfolk and farmers had restarted activities. I had seen some roads in the Vanni becoming better and electricity to some areas which had never seen electricity. And some new buildings have come up in the war ravaged Northern Province, such as hospitals, schools, government offices, markets, telecommunication, banks etc.
There is less fear of being caught up in a suicide bombing, of being stopped at check points, round ups and arrests. But I have also have met who continue to live in fear – women in North who live in fear of sexual abuse. Journalists and human rights activists fear assassinations, abductions, long and repeated questioning by intelligence agencies and arrest. Those arrested for any reason fear being tortured. Religious minorities fear their traditional practices maybe curtailed and places of worship, businesses attacked. Citizens fear that the military may occupy their traditional and legally owned land. Judges, lawyers and religious clergy live in fear, due to their criticism of the government. These fears are not imaginary – very much real in the last four years after the war.
Overall, my experiences have been negative – many emails, sms messages calls I get gives me little hope to be optimistic about reconciliation, human rights and freedom. People I regularly encountered – Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims – from all parts of the country – includes families searching for loved ones who had disappeared. Families searching for justice for loved ones killed (during war, during protests, inside prison etc.). Political prisoners and their families awaiting release or just and speedy trials. People whose land is occupied by the military. Lonely, frustrated and anxious refugees, who now live overseas after having fled in fear of their lives, leaving behind their children, wives and parents. Asylum seekers who had been deported back and detained and tortured on return. Those seeking decent houses, livelihoods, better healthcare and educational facilities. Those who would like to commemorate loved ones who had been killed and have funerals without interference of police and military. There are more.
These are amongst the Sri Lankans searching for the meaning of reconciliation, four years after the end of the war.
At a broader level, in the last four years, in presidential, parliamentary, provincial and local government bodies, the government won comprehensively in most parts of the country. But in the Tamil majority North, including the areas which saw the bloodiest last five months of the war, the government suffered heavy defeats – despite claims of having liberated the Tamils and treating them so wonderfully in the last four years. The 18th amendment to the constitution was passed in parliament, strengthening the executive presidency by allowing the President to stay in office any number of times and taking away the independence of statutory oversight institutions established under the 17th amendment. Militarization of the country – particularly the North – continues unabated with the military making decisions related to relief, development and running restaurants, shops, resorts, boat services etc. and also interfering in the field of education and sports. The once respected Civil service and Foreign Service are also militarized. Retired military officers are getting posted overseas as diplomats and occupy the posts of district secretary and provincial governor – some of them being suspected to have been involved in serious abuses of human rights and war crimes.
There is no serious and genuine attempt to seek a political solution to the ethnic conflict, to address root causes for the war. This government continues the deliberate violation of constitution by not implementing the 13th amendment to the constitution, which offers the barest minimum of devolution of powers. Instead, the family rule has been consolidated – with the President appointing his brothers to power positions of the Secretary to the Ministry of Defense and Minister of Economic Development. Another brother is the speaker in the parliament and the President’s son is also a member of parliament. Several other relatives hold positions in provincial government, diplomatic missions and government corporations.
Impunity
In the face of all so many past and ongoing violations of human rights, impunity reigns supreme.
The police have often stood by watched violent and illegal acts by those suspected to be government supporters, not arresting and pursuing the prosecution of suspects, even when suspects have been handed over to them and there is clear evidence indicating who is responsible for violations and violence. On many occasions, the police themselves are responsible for atrocities.
On several occasions, when I called the hotline of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) on urgent matters like disappeared human rights activists, peaceful protests being dispersed, they refused to take prompt action. The NHRC has also failed to condemn, address and take public positions on many of the incidents and trends described above above despite widespread availability of information and numerous complaints. They have even failed to show solidarity with victims, their families and human rights activists, and ignored numerous recommendations and appeals from human rights activists, despite claiming to be engaging with human rights activists.